The crisis in Venezuela has seen a significant deployment of the surveillance and control apparatus that the state has built up over recent years. This apparatus has been repeatedly denounced by civil society and organizations defending internet freedom in the country.
This statement was originally published on freedomhouse.org on 6 August 2024.
We, the undersigned organizations and members of the global human rights community, urgently call for unfettered access to the internet, social media platforms, and other communication channels for the people in Venezuela at all times. We also demand an end to the use of technological tools and digital platforms for the surveillance and persecution of political dissent, particularly in the wake of the presidential elections of July 28. This commitment is crucial to respect the rights enshrined in Venezuela’s Constitution and the country’s international commitments.
The crisis in Venezuela, which erupted following the recent presidential elections, has seen a significant deployment of the surveillance and control apparatus that the Venezuelan state has built up over recent years. This apparatus intersects with various elements related to communication technologies and has been repeatedly denounced by civil society and organizations defending internet freedom in the country. Nicolás Maduro’s government declares that it has arrested over 2,000 people in the past week, and the numbers of people killed and disappeared are unclear, with most sources indicating that at least 20 people have been killed in the protests, while another 25 have been forcibly disappeared. We are witnessing the consequences of a complex system created by more than 20 years of public policies and insidious political initiatives. This combines multiple restrictions on access to information through censorship, the decline of communication infrastructure, systematic harassment, information operations, and the closure of news outlets. Additionally, it employs surveillance technologies applied to intricate networks of interests and, in many cases, a population cornered by poverty.
Venezuela’s sociopolitical environment is marked by a complex interplay of authoritarian governance, economic instability, and social unrest. Under Maduro’s rule, the state has increasingly relied on repressive measures to maintain control, including widespread surveillance, censorship, and the suppression of dissent. As the recent presidential elections have shown, a dominant and increasing portion of the population is aggrieved by the ruling party’s mismanagement and human rights abuses. Economic conditions remain dire, due to the effects of hyperinflation, food and medicine shortages, and widespread poverty exacerbating the crisis. These challenges have fueled a growing sense of discontent and rebelliousness among Venezuelans, leading to frequent protests and an increasing figure of 7.8 million people who have fled the country, seeking better opportunities abroad or attempting to escape political violence. In this climate, the government has continued to increase its grip over the population through digital and physical means, further eroding democratic norms and limiting avenues for peaceful opposition.
Technology in the wake of elections
In the aftermath of the presidential elections on July 28, there has been violent repression by police, military, and paramilitary groups, as well as reports of harassment and persecution strategies enabled by the use of technology. The government has intensified its digital surveillance and censorship measures, using tools such as messaging app VenApp to report on dissenting activities and to dox demonstrators, video surveillance to monitor protests, and patrolling drones to provoke widespread fear.
VenApp represents the latest evolution in this surveillance apparatus. The application, which has raised significant concerns about privacy and state surveillance since its launch in December 2022, has now been promoted by President Nicolás Maduro as a means for citizens to report on their neighbors, further entrenching a culture of surveillance and control. It now incorporates features that allow users to tip authorities off about activities deemed suspicious by the state, covering categories such as “guarimba fascista” (a term used to describe opposition protests), looting, public disorder, and even “disinformation,” which targets journalists. The integration of digital platforms into Chavismo’s practices of persecution follows a decades-long pattern of creating a system of punishment and rewards to obtain social intelligence through accusations of political dissidence, embedded in society through a structure of local party “street bosses” and snitches known as “Patriotas Cooperantes.” Viewing any democrat challenging their power as a potential conspirator or destabilizer, the government has fostered an environment of mistrust and surveillance, targeting those it perceives to be internal enemies.
There are frequent reports of security forces stopping citizens to check the content of their phones, including photos, social media accounts, and WhatsApp conversations. People are being detained based on the content found during these searches, including pictures or discussions of protests or examples of anti-government speech.
This framework has evolved with the implementation of the “Carnet de la Patria” and the “Sistema Patria,” which are digital identification systems linked to social welfare programs. These systems not only track citizens’ activities but also collect vast amounts of personal data, often without consent. The surveillance system reports directly to the Office of the President. The Strategic Center for Security and Protection of the Homeland, which is under the President’s direct supervision, is responsible for overseeing all state security operations. The National Telecommunications Commission is in charge of monitoring telephone communications and internet traffic. The Sistema Patria (Homeland system) is a part of the Patria Foundation, which falls under the Vice-Presidency. The Bolivarian National Intelligence Service (SEBIN), a security force responsible for political intelligence and counterintelligence, as well as the Directorate of Military Counterintelligence, have direct access to phone monitoring and street surveillance.
Social media and technology for surveillance
Additionally, security forces have been actively monitoring social media and asking their supporters to report any dissident online activity, so as to arrest people and raid homes and offices without warrants. These people are then denied access to a fair and just trial, and are placed in “reeducation centers” where, in the words of Nicolás Maduro, “there will not be forgiveness.” This occurs in the context of what is known as “Operación Tun Tun” (Operation knock-knock), which includes the use of Instagram, Telegram, and X (formerly Twitter) accounts to dox dissidents’ names, photos, and addresses, particularly those activists and journalists, but also including regular citizens who served as polling station witnesses during the elections. Often the doxing is done by their own neighbors.
Political leaders from Maduro’s government have been using their social media accounts, as well as national media, to expose and intimidate dissidents, as illustrated by Chavismo’s strongman Diosdado Cabello going through users’ tweets on his TV show.
This digital clampdown not only curtails Venezuelans’ fundamental rights, but also underscores the regime’s reliance on technology as a means to maintain power and to quell dissent in a politically volatile environment. The election’s aftermath thus highlights a broader strategy of digital authoritarianism, where the state uses advanced technologies to enforce compliance and silence opposition.
Furthermore, the Venezuelan government has been using surveillance technology to persecute dissent for many years. Chinese tech company ZTE has been exporting surveillance technology to Venezuela since at least 2016, and in 2021, Maduro’s government publicly admitted to owning phone-hacking tech made by Israeli firm Cellebrite, used to intervene and surveil dissidents’ devices. In 2022, Telefónica, which operates in Venezuela as Movistar, reported having intercepted the communications of over 1.5 million (1,584,547) subscribers in Venezuela during the previous year, which represents one in every five telephone or internet line users.
Censorship and internet filtering
As reported by the Venezuelan NGO Conexión Segura y Libre, there were at least 12 new cases of blocking against media outlets, human rights organizations, and a VPN during the electoral campaign, not including the blockings that took place after the elections. The elections were held in a restricted media ecosystem, reducing guarantees for free and informed participation. Furthermore, access to The Wall Street Journal was blocked after an opposition leader published a critical op-ed. To date, 62 media outlets have been blocked by the largest internet service providers, affecting 86 domains, and totalling 431 active blocking events. In addition, nine human rights organizations’ websites have also been blocked, with a total of 41 active blocking events. On Sunday, August 5, Nicolás Maduro expressed his intention to regulate or block TikTok, Instagram and X in Venezuela, accusing these apps of “being the main instruments” to increase “hatred and fascism.”
Despite these repressive measures, civil society and journalists continue to resist. Initiatives like Noticias Sin Filtro and El Bus TV, among others, have emerged as creative solutions to bypass censorship and provide crucial information to the public. El Bus TV, for instance, delivers news directly to the people while they travel on public buses. These efforts underscore Venezuelans’ resilience and adaptability in the face of authoritarianism.
Identification as control
At the same time, human rights activists have discovered that their passports have been annulled. On Saturday, August 3, activist Yendri Velásquez was detained at the airport while attempting to travel to the United Nations’ 113th Session of the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination. The country has a long history of using identity documents as a political weapon and a mechanism of control; in February 2024, activist Rocío San Miguel was detained under similar circumstances and remains under arrest. The way in which the information contained in these databases and how the data is linked, used, and transferred is impossible to ascertain without any laws in place to protect privacy or prevent data transfers. Through these mechanisms, Maduro’s government has cracked down on the Venezuelans’ right to move freely, attacking not only those who live in the country, but also the 7.8 million Venezuelans living in the diaspora, through threats of denying, delaying or revoking their ID documents or even their citizenship.
As Venezuela navigates this complex political landscape, the digital realm remains a critical battleground. The use of technology as a tool for repression highlights the urgent need for robust protections of digital rights and freedoms. The current situation not only threatens individual liberties but also undermines the very fabric of Venezuelan society, creating a culture of fear and suspicion that could have long-lasting consequences.
Venezuelans abroad strive to continue reporting what those within the country are no longer able to. However, the government’s digital propaganda arm stretches out to try to silence these voices. The situation is urgent and it is imperative to speak out against it. This is not only because of the numerous injustices and the many lives lost or disrupted by the state’s security forces, but also because of how Venezuela serves as a warning for other places. The repression in Venezuela echoes strategies seen in Nicaragua and Cuba, and could foreshadow what may be to come for many other societies, given the proliferation of technology used to control citizens, migrants, and minority populations, as well as the exponential rise in authoritarianism.
Call to action
In light of the current critical situation, we urge the Venezuelan government and all state authorities to cease using and abusing technologies to surveil, repress, harass, and persecute political dissent in Venezuela and to curtail access to information and freedom of association and peaceful assembly. It is essential that all authorities, and those who hold political power respect human rights, act in accordance with international standards to ensure the safety of all citizens, particularly those covering the country’s events, documenting human rights abuses, and working on achieving full transparency over the electoral process.
Additionally, we call on the Organization of American States (OAS), the OAS Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression (RELE), the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Opinion, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Office of the Secretary-General’s Envoy on Technology, the international community, and countries in regular communication with Nicolás Maduro’s government to condemn the violations of human rights and the abuse of technological tools to increase political control and persecute dissent. These entities should directly urge the Venezuelan government to adhere to international law concerning freedom of expression, association and the right to access the internet, thereby contributing to the protection and restoration of civic space in Venezuela.
Signatories
Organizational
- Acceso Libre
- Access Now
- Acción Ciudadana
- Azerbaijan Internet Watch
- Center on Race & Digital Justice
- Centro Latinoamericano de Investigaciones sobre Internet (CLISI)
- Centro de Justicia y Paz – Cepaz
- Colectivo +Voces (Cuba)
- comun.al, Laboratorio de resiliencia digital
- Conexo
- Conexión Educativa
- Conexión Segura y Libre / VE sin Filtro
- Cooperativa Sulá Batsú
- Derechos Digitales
- Digital Action
- Digital Grassroots
- Digital Rights Foundation
- Equality Labs
- Fight for the Future
- Freedom House
- Fundación Internet Bolivia
- Fundación Karisma
- Gobierno y Análisis Político AC
- ININCO-UCV
- Instituto Panamericano de Derecho y Tecnología – IPANDETEC
- Jonction, Senegal
- Laboratorio de Datos y Sociedad (Datysoc, Uruguay)
- LaLibre.net Tecnologías Comunitarias
- Majal.org
- Myanmar Internet Project
- Numun Fund
- ONG Amaranta
- ProBox
- RedesAyuda
- Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights
- @segudigital
- Ser Valiente en Red
- SocialTIC
- The CESI Foundation
- The Distributed AI Research Institute (DAIR)
- Tifa Foundation, Indonesia
- Ubunteam
- Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)
- Whistleblower Aid
- Whose Knowledge?
- Witness
Individual
- Alejandra Stolk
- Alejandro Mayoral Baños, Indigenous Friends Association (IFA)
- Alejandro Pisanty, UNAM, Mexico
- Alex Argüelles, comun.al
- Alex Hanna, DAIR
- Andrés Cañizález, Medianálisis
- Anabella Botbol
- Ann Toklikishvili
- Armando Chaguaceda, politólogo, Investigador Principal GAPAC
- Arturo Rodriguez
- Arzu Geybulla
- Beth Frondoso
- Carlos Arcila Calderón, USAL
- Carlos Guerra
- Connie Moon Sehat
- Daniel Levine
- David Aragort
- Débora Calderón
- Diego Area
- Dr. Aymen Zaghdoudi, media law professor
- Elaine Ford, Democracia Digital
- Eliana Quiroz, Fundación Internet Bolivia
- Erick Rozo
- Fabiola Velasco
- Génesis Luigi-Bravo, Yale University
- Giovana Fleck
- Hannah Draper
- Harun Bala
- Iria Puyosa
- Jac sm Kee
- John Polga-Hecimovich
- José Arraiza, independent researcher
- José Gutiérrez, independent researcher
- José J. Nieves (Colectivo +Voces)
- José Luis Mendoza, CLISI
- Juan de Brigard, independent researcher
- Krystal Kauffman, DAIR
- Laura Vidal, independent researcher
- Libby Liu, Whistleblower Aid
- Lisa Schirch, University of Notre Dame
- Liz Orembo, Research ICT Africa
- Luis Carlos Díaz
- Luisa F. Isaza Ibarra
- Lucía Camacho G.
- Marianne Díaz Hernández, Access Now/Acceso Libre
- María Eugenia Grillet, investigadora, Universidad Central de Venezuela
- María Gabriela Trompetero, investigadora, Universidad de Bielefeld, Alemania
- María Isabel Puerta, politóloga investigadora, Valencia College/GAPAC
- Maria Ressa
- Mario Torre
- Melanio Escobar, RedesAyuda
- Muhammed Bello Buhari, Digital Grassroots
- Nevin Thompson
- Patricia Díaz Charquero, DATA Uruguay | Datysoc
- Prof. Marta De la Vega, USB, UCAB.
- Prof. Silvia Pedraza, University of Michigan
- Raisa Urribarri, Universidad de Los Andes
- Raphael Tsavkko Garcia, Journalist
- Raul Sanchez Urribarri, La Trobe University
- Ria Shibata, Toda Peace Institute
- Rima SghaierRicardo Rosales
- Richard Walakira
- Rima Sghaier
- Robert Valencia
- Robert Todoroski
- Romina Navarro
- Rui Santos
- Silvia María Calderón López
- Timnit Gebru, DAIR
- Valentina Aguana, Conexión Segura y Libre
- Verónica Arroyo
- Yamlek Mojica, Access Now
- Wafa Ben-Hassine, human rights lawyer
