(CPJ/IFEX) – The following is the text of the letter sent by CPJ to the Members of the Consultative Group for Zambia, meeting in Paris on 27 and 28 May 1999: May 24, 1999 The Meeting of the Consultative Group for Zambia The World Bank 66 Avenue d’Lena 75116 Paris France To the Members of […]
(CPJ/IFEX) – The following is the text of the letter sent by CPJ to the
Members of the Consultative Group for Zambia, meeting in Paris on 27 and 28
May 1999:
May 24, 1999
The Meeting of the Consultative Group for Zambia
The World Bank
66 Avenue d’Lena
75116 Paris
France
To the Members of the Consultative Group for Zambia:
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), an independent organization of
journalists dedicated to the defense of press freedom worldwide, is deeply
concerned about the repressive climate for the independent press in the
Republic of Zambia. The World Bank and international donors have already
recognized the significant role a vibrant independent press plays in
deterring the official corruption and mismanagement that have impeded the
aims of various past projects. We request that the Consultative Group
includes clear and firm benchmarks for the improvement of press freedom
conditions in any future plan for balance of payment assistance to the
Zambian government.
Since Zambia’s first multiparty elections in 1991, the government has
consistently displayed intolerance for public discussion of issues affecting
the nation, and has taken punitive action against journalists who attempt to
bring the matters to the public. The persecution of Goretti Mwizanato
Mapulanga is illustrative of the authorities’ intolerance for the public
discussion of issues affecting the nation’s future. Mapulanga was executive
producer of the state-run Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation (ZNBC)
from 1986 until 1997, when she was fired for her in-depth reporting. She had
been one of the country’s best-known journalists, anchoring the news program
“Good Morning Zambia,” reporting for the Voice of America (VOA), and
presenting critical documentaries, such as “Yesterday’s Dream” for the
United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). On November 7, 1997, ZNBC dismissed
Mapulanga shortly after she interviewed President Frederick Chiluba about
unintended affects that could accompany privatization in Zambia. A month
earlier, Mapulanga had reported on the high rate of poverty in Zambia’s
copperbelt, and was accused by government authorities of spreading malicious
information with a view to “inciting the masses.” Since Mapulanga’s
dismissal, she has received death threats from unidentified assailants
against her and her family members, all of whom remain under government
surveillance. The actions against Mapulanga have had a chilling effect on
investigative reporting by state media employees, who rarely scrutinize
state economic programs. And the stifling of public discussion lays a
foundation for poor planning and poor decision-making.
Another factor which stifles public debate on critical issues is the Zambian
government’s virtual monopoly over broadcasting, the most effective means of
communicating to the majority of the population. Although Zambia has
privatized several industries, the government has reneged on promises to
liberalize the state-dominated broadcasting sector by granting licenses to
independent journalists. The few privately owned radio stations offer little
news on local political events, nor do they carry international news. The
most popular privately owned station, Radio Phoenix, is an affiliate of both
the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and the VOA. Since 1997, however,
it has been barred from carrying foreign broadcasts, disrupting the free
flow of information across boarders. And there is little competition in the
domestic marketplace of ideas. Local television programming is limited to
the government-owned ZNBC. Political parties who are denied access or
equitable time on radio and television may claim that the ruling Movement
for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) has an unfair advantage in the electoral
process. This condition undermines citizens’ perceptions of “fair play” by
the government, and diminishes consensus-building within civil society. The
effect of this virtual state monopoly over broadcasting on good governance
is undoubtedly negative.
Zambia’s independent press has had to endure a tally of press freedom
violations so long that many journalists have lost count of the charges
against them. Among all African nations, Zambia holds the record for the
most pending criminal defamation cases and other legal actions against
journalists. The government also holds the dubious honor of being the first
in Africa to ban a newspaper on the Internet. On February 7, 1995, President
Chiluba ordered, by decree, the removal of the February 5 edition of The
Post, Zambia’s leading independent daily, from its World Wide Web site. The
issue contained articles revealing the Zambian government’s plan to hold a
referendum in March 1995 to promulgate a controversial draft constitution.
“Free and fair elections do not guarantee the end to human rights
violations,” as Post editor in chief, Fred M’membe, has written. A
professional, vibrant, independent press is a bulwark against abuses, such
as those which allegedly occurred during the state of emergency declared by
President Chiluba on October 29, 1997, following the previous day’s seizure
of the national radio station by renegade soldiers.
When the alleged coup plotters were brought to trial, the government sought
to limit media coverage, which can help to ensure due process and
transparency. Journalists and media outlets reporting on the proceedings
found themselves in harm’s way. On February 1, 1998, police assaulted Amy
Merz, a cameraperson for the Cable News Network (CNN), when she attempted to
film Kenneth Kaunda, the former president and leader of the opposition
United National Independence Party, outside the courthouse where he was
facing charges of involvement in the attempted coup. On April 7, police
detained Dickson Jere, a reporter for The Post, in connection with an
interview he conducted with Kaunda. And on May 19, state authorities
obtained an ex-parte injunction from the Ndola High Court barring The Post
from publishing statements made by witnesses in the treason trials of the
alleged conspirators. Journalists for the state-owned daily newspaper Zambia
Daily Mail faced disciplinary action for publicly protesting the newspapers’
limited and biased coverage of the trials. Although these press freedom
violations stemmed from events surrounding the state of emergency, they may
be viewed not so much as the result of immediate tensions of the moment, but
rather, as a continuation of repressive practices against the press that
have been ongoing for many years.
The most recent case in the long history of official harassment, legal
action, and censorship against The Post, and of imprisonment and
intimidation of its journalists, was sparked by the lead story in the March
9, 1999, edition of the newspaper titled “Angola Worries Zambia Army, ZAF.”
On March 10, Zambian police surrounded the editorial offices and The Post’s
printing facility, cutting water and power supplies, trapping the newspaperâ
s employees inside, and preventing the distribution of the March 11 edition
of the newspaper. The combat-style action by the police followed late-night
raids on the homes of The Postâs editorial staff, during which six
journalists – Joe Kaunda, Lubasi Mwangala Katundu, Kelvin Shimo, Brighton
Phiri, Amos Malupenga, and Goodson Machona – were taken into custody and
held at various detention facilities in Lusaka. The arrests were ordered by
Defense Minister Chitalu Sampa in retaliation for the article, part of The
Post’s coverage of the Angolan government’s recent accusations that Zambian
officials are supplying arms to Union for the Total Independence of Angola
(UNITA) rebel forces, and that there are links between high-ranking
officials, including Zambian Vice President Chris Ontembo, Energy Minister
Benny Mwila, and President Chiluba’s son, Tito Chiluba, and UNITA. The Post
had previously reported the Angolan government’s accusations, as well as the
Zambian military’s consistent denials about arms trading with UNITA. On
March 12, the six detained journalists were freed by the High Court, and the
siege of The Post’s facilities ended the same day. However, the incident is
far from over. Currently, 12 journalists – almost the entire newspaper
staff – face charges of espionage and a minimum prison sentence of 20 years
if convicted. On March 18, the ruling MMD obtained an injunction restraining
The Post from publishing further articles on the country’s national security
and its strained relations with Angola – crucial matters for public
discussion in a democracy.
The Zambian government’s reprisals against journalists for their
professional work constitute violations of the rights to seek, receive, and
impart information and ideas of all kinds, enshrined in Article 19 of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 19 of the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and Article 9 of the African Charter
of Human and People’s Rights, to all of which the Republic of Zambia is a
signatory.
In light of the ongoing history of press freedom violations in the Republic
of Zambia, the Committee to Protect Journalists recommends that the
Consultative Group for Zambia consider the following benchmarks for the
improvement of press freedom in any plan for balance of payment assistance:
the cessation of the use of criminal libel laws against journalists, and the
ultimate repeal of such laws;
the withdrawal of the espionage charges against the 12 accused Post
journalists, and the cessation of the misuse of criminal charges against
journalists;
the liberalization of the broadcasting industry in a transparent and
democratic manner;
and the observance of international standards of freedom of expression.
We believe that the observance of these benchmarks will help to foster
democracy and sound decision making in the Republic of Zambia. Thank you
very much for your attention to this important matter.
Sincerely,
Ann K. Cooper
Executive Director
