Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu was detained on corruption and terrorism-related charges while he was preparing to be declared the CHP's candidate for the 2028 presidential election.
This statement was originally published on bianet.org on 20 March 2025.
İmamoğlu, who is seen as a strong challenger to President Erdoğan, faces the risk of losing both his chance to run for president and his position as mayor of İstanbul.
İstanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu was detained yesterday on corruption and terrorism-related charges at a time when he was preparing to be declared the Republican People’s Party (CHP) candidate for the 2028 presidential election. His detention follows a series of investigations and lawsuits targeting CHP-run municipalities in İstanbul since October.
Now, İmamoğlu, one of Turkey’s most prominent opposition figures who is seen as a strong challenger to President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, faces the risk of losing both his chance to run for president and his position as mayor of İstanbul.
What are the legal grounds for the investigation?
İmamoğlu and 105 others, including municipal officials, are facing charges in two separate investigations, one related to terrorism and the other to corruption.
The terrorism-related accusations stem from CHP’s cooperation with the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party in last year’s municipal elections. While DEM did not endorse İmamoğlu and fielded its own candidate for the metropolitan municipality, the two parties coordinated at the district level.
Under this strategy dubbed as “urban consensus,” DEM did not field candidates in some districts, including two with large Kurdish populations, Esenyurt and Güngören, while CHP replaced its pre-selected candidates for these two districts with names approved by DEM. In several other districts, DEM candidates also ran for municipal council seats on CHP’s lists. In the end, CHP secured a majority in the city council, which comprises members of district councils.
Prosecutors launched investigations into this cooperation, claiming that it was “orchestrated by the PKK.” They cited statements from leaders of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) during the election period encouraging the DEM to cooperate with the opposition as the basis for the allegations. Prosecutors allege the Peoples’ Democratic Congress (HDK), a coalition of pro-Kurdish and leftist groups, also played a role in the urban consensus under the instructions of the PKK.
In October, Esenyurt Mayor Ahmet Özer, a Kurdish academic, was arrested on charges of membership in a terrorist organization, and the Interior Ministry appointed a trustee to replace him. In February, 10 municipal officials, including deputy mayors and council members from six different districts, were arrested on similar charges. Now, the latest phase of the probe has reached İmamoğlu, along with İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality’s deputy secretary-general, and the mayor deputy mayor of the Şişli district, all of whom are being held on charges of aiding a terrorist organization.
The corruption investigation includes 100 suspects, including mayor of the Beylikdüzü district, focusing on alleged financial misconduct in multiple municipal subsidiaries. The İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality is accused of corruption involving road construction company İsfalt, cultural and arts organization Kültür A.Ş., housing developer Kiptaş, and media firm Medya A.Ş.
Prosecutors claim that İmamoğlu led a “criminal organization for profit” and have listed charges including bribery, embezzlement, fraud, and bid rigging. The Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office referred to the case in an official statement as the “Ekrem İmamoğlu Criminal Organization.”
Meanwhile, İmamoğlu is also facing two additional criminal cases. One accuses him of “attempting to influence the judiciary,” while the other alleges he “targeted counterterrorism officials for terrorist groups.” In January, he testified in both cases, which could result in lengthy prison sentences if they lead to formal charges.
Will İmamoğlu be removed from office?
Under Article 127 of the Turkish Constitution, the Interior Ministry has the authority to suspend mayors under investigation in connection with their duties. This means İmamoğlu can legally be removed from office.
Although the Constitution describes this as a temporary measure, in practice, mayors dismissed through this process have never been reinstated since 2016. The government has consistently used this mechanism to take over opposition-led municipalities, mostly targeting local administrations controlled by pro-Kurdish parties, making it effectively a permanent removal rather than a suspension.
Another possibility is that if İmamoğlu may be replaced through an election at the city council if he is found guilty of corruption-related charges.
How has the public reacted?
Since İmamoğlu’s detention, all major social media and messaging platforms in Turkey, including X, Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, and Telegram, have been throttled, limiting access. Authorities also closed access to Taksim Square’s metro station in İstanbul yesterday morning, in what was seen as measures aimed at curbing potential protests.
The CHP yesterday organized protests outside its headquarters in Ankara and outside İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality, with thousands in attendance. It held smaller demonstrations took place in other cities, while students in İstanbul and Ankara held large campus protests. While student protests continued in İstanbul today, no mass public uprising has been observed so far.
How has the ruling bloc responded?
The ruling bloc has reacted cautiously so far. Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s key ally, urged calm and patience, dismissing opposition claims that the operation was a “coup”.
Justice Minister Yılmaz Tunç echoed this sentiment, saying that “independent courts are doing their job” and urging the opposition not to take the issue to the streets but instead to defend themselves in court.
Erdoğan, meanwhile, has remained silent so far. As is often the case during politically charged moments, he may wait a few days before weighing in on the issue. Last night, he attended an iftar dinner with farmers, where he avoided any mention of İmamoğlu, focusing instead on agricultural policies and government support for farmers.
How did İmamoğlu become a leading opposition figure?
İmamoğlu has been a target of government pressure since 2019, when he narrowly won the İstanbul mayoral election. The results were annulled over alleged voting irregularities, but he won the re-run by a landslide, ending the AKP and its predecessors’ 25-year dominance in Turkey’s largest city, which began when Erdoğan was elected the mayor in 1994.
Since then, İmamoğlu has positioned himself beyond local politics, frequently making national-level statements and traveling across Turkey. His strong oratory skills and combative political style set him apart from then-CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, who was seen as a softer, less charismatic figure. This led to speculation that İmamoğlu could be a strong challenger to Erdoğan ahead of the 2023 presidential election.
Before that election, which was widely seen as Erdoğan’s toughest during his two-decade rule, İmamoğlu and Ankara Mayor Mansur Yavaş, also a CHP member, were among the most popular potential opposition candidates. However, Kılıçdaroğlu insisted on running himself.
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What are İmamoğlu’s chances of running for president now?
One day before his detention on Mar 19, İstanbul University annulled İmamoğlu’s undergraduate diploma, which he had obtained in 1991. This is a critical decision because under Turkish law, a presidential candidate must hold a university degree.
